Htet Hlaing Win contends that effective environmental campaigns in Myanmar are not possible until a dramatic change in political arrangement occurs.
In the first week of December 2023, the junta simultaneously abolished the fixed US dollar exchange rate and the subsidy for energy importers. For the past two years, the official exchange rate was 2100 MMK for 1 USD, although the black-market rate was much higher, fluctuating between 3000 and 4000 MMK. Those who wanted to send money from abroad were forced to exchange their dollar for 2100 MMK. At the same time, the junta provided 40% of the required USD to fuel importers for 2100 MMK, much lower than the outside rate. Starting December 1 2023, these requirements were no longer in place. The junta removed restrictions on the purchasing and selling of foreign currencies, forcing fuel importers to look for hard currencies on their own. The combined result was disastrous; while oil tankers waited at the Thilawa port in Thanlyin for the transfer of gasoline and diesel cargo, local fuel importers didn’t have enough hard currency to make their payments. Consequently, there was a nationwide shortage of fuel and extended mile-long queues of cars and trucks in front of fuel stations as each waited their turn to get their fill. The shortage highlights a significant but less openly acknowledged feature of contemporary Myanmar society: its heavy reliance on fossil fuels and other carbon-based power sources. This is a part of the large array of environment-related issues facing both the developed and developing world and which the previous semi-civilian Burmese government had tried to solve. As this essay will argue, a dramatic change in Myanmar’s governance is necessary to find a solution for these problems.
Like other pre-modern countries in the world, people in Burma traditionally used wood and charcoal for cooking and heating. However, as Europe, America, and other developed countries in East Asia, prepared to move away from their reliance on unclean and environmentally harmful fuel sources to sustainable and less carbon-emitting ones—such as natural gas, solar, and wind power—most people in Myanmar continued to depend on conventional fuel sources. This can be attributed to the country’s lower economic performance and its lower GDP per capita compared to its neighbors. A decades-long civil war, a failed socialist experiment, and the firm grip of military rule have all contributed to Myanmar’s unstable political condition which, in turn, repels foreign investors and hampers Myanmar’s elevation to a post-industrial state.
While other countries have transitioned to more sustainable and less carbon-emitting fuel sources, Myanmar has remained reliant on conventional fuel sources and fossil fuels which are cheap and easily obtainable. Only those living in urban areas, such as Yangon and Mandalay, have access to electric stoves and LPG gas canisters—but even they must cook with charcoal from time to time due to severe power cuts and occasional increases in LPG prices. Between 2011 and early 2021, under the rule of semi-civilian governments, the combined factors of decreasing power cuts (at least in major urban areas) and the reduced prices of electrical appliances led to a proliferation in the use of electrical stoves and ovens. Previously, under SPDC rule, LPG cannisters were only accessible to government officials. This restriction was removed after 2011, and more households increasingly began to use LPG for fuel.
At the same time, from 2011, newly-granted freedom of expression and access to the internet led to environmental awareness among youth. Previously, political movements were focused either on implementing left-leaning economic policies—as under U Nu’s government and in the early years of Ne Win’s rule—or demanding democratic freedoms from the junta, as after 1988. Few activists of that generation, if any, had heard of terms such as “global warming” and “carbon emission.” This all changed after 2011. Under Thein Sein’s government, the University of Yangon, which was closed for two decades due to its strong association with student activism and the anti-junta movement, was reopened and, in 2017, incoming students were given the choice to major in Environmental Studies. Those new students read Silent Spring, took inspiration from Greta Thunberg, created student clubs to discuss environmental issues, and initiated environmental awareness campaigns. The National League of Democracy (NLD) government under the de facto leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi also attempted to tackle environmental problems. Aung San Suu Kyi herself participated in trash collecting activities and a new solar power plant was constructed in Minbu in central Myanmar. Doh Eain, a non-profit organization based in Yangon, had also initiated a campaign to decorate and enliven Yangon’s infamous trash-filled back alleys. Myanmar’s future looked promisin
It would be beneficial to pause here for a moment and examine the factors that, in my opinion, made these campaigns and projects possible. The first is widening access to the internet and the import of cheap cell phones and computers from China. With these, people obtained a clearer picture of the development occurring in other countries, especially in South Korea, Japan, and other Western countries. When I was young, before the democratic transition of 2011, these countries were seen as ‘lands of prosperity and development’ by the majority. Many people I knew dreamed of working abroad and sending money back to their families. This perception of developed countries as promised lands, especially in the case of Japan, reemerged after the 2021 coup, where thousands of young people are now taking Japanese language exams in preparation for such emigration. Similarly, Facebook was flooded with posts concerning the pros and cons of living in Japan and information on accommodation. Consequently, many people might, consciously or unconsciously, believe that for Myanmar to develop, it is important to follow in the footsteps of these countries. For instance, when I was 14, Myanmar was starting to open up and expectations were high for the country’s 2015 election: people I knew looked up to Singapore as a beacon of development. When people in Myanmar see these countries express concern over global warming and move toward a more sustainable future, they might come to believe that similar policies need to be implemented in Myanmar. Moreover, people began to stage Western-style environmental activism.
The second factor is the emergence of new ideas about life in a city, particularly in Yangon. Perhaps some of these ideas originated from the West and were modified to suit Myanmar’s condition. Before the reforms implemented by the Thein Sein government, people I knew perceived big cities such as Yangon as the place to live and work. Watching TV in an air-conditioned room with a glass of beer was seen as the highest form of leisure. Houses were built in cheap, brutalist style and most of the roads in the Yangon suburb do not have sidewalks. Trees were cut down to make way for utility poles, and there were virtually no public spaces or places for people to rest beside a road.
As a person living in Yangon, I witnessed significant changes after 2011. Activists and those working in the non-profit sector pushed to beautify the cities, making them greener and more livable. Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT), a non-profit organization under the patronage of Thant Myint-U, repaired and beautified several colonial era buildings in downtown Yangon for tourist attractions. Bike lanes were designated, old sidewalks were repaired and new ones built, and parks were created. Doh Eain’s decoration of back alleys was also part of this movement. Views about the relationship between man and his environment changed too; instead of seeing the environment as composed of resources to be exploited, plants and animals increasingly became to be regarded as valuable things to protect.
The third and most important factor which made the previous two developments possible was the opening of space for political activism. During Ne Win’s rule and the subsequent Saw Maung/Than Shwe reign, the state did not provide people with opportunities for activism. Assembly of more than five individuals was prohibited. Thant Myint-U has observed how protestors were violently detained by the government in 2007, after they voiced their disagreement over a sudden increase in fuel prices. In this situation, when the cost for participation in a political movement was high, most activism would “have to develop extra-institutionally.” Hedström, Olivius and Soe have also described how, prior to the change in Myanmar’s political arrangements in 2011, most anti-government activist groups had to base their activities in border areas. When Thein Sein became president in 2011, freedom of association and expression was allowed and media censorship was abolished. Other changes followed. For instance, in 2018 some of the key positions in the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), including the position of Vice Mayor, were opened for election. Accordingly, the first municipal election in decades was held in March 2019. This paved the way for later environmental awareness campaigns. Indeed, several major environmentalist demonstrations that occurred in 2019 or the campaigns mentioned above wouldn’t be possible without the opening of spaces for activism and activists to have a voice. Although these protests were directed at the government, unlike their predecessors in previous decades, they were not asking primarily for democracy or the resignation of the ruling party, but the termination of environmentally harmful projects, such as the Myitsone dam project.
This momentum stopped abruptly when the military seized power on 1 February 2021. Most reforms initiated during the past decade were reversed. The State Administration Council (SAC), composed primarily of high-ranking military officials and headed by military chief Min Aung Hlaing, reclaimed the privilege of appointing YCDC members. Back alleys decorated by Doh Eain reverted to their former state and the YHT has not been active since the coup. Lengthening power cuts, combined with inflation and a rise in fuel prices, led to people, including those in urban areas, depending more on charcoal as fuel. Educated youth fled the country to seek opportunities abroad and this created an intellectual vacuum in which few people were left to advocate for environmental matters. Political groups in Myanmar—including the SAC, National Unity Government (NUG), People’s Defense Force (PDF), and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) -are currently focusing entirely on eliminating their rivals. The EAOs’ exploitation of natura resources is highly criticized while local PDFs engaged in environmentally harmful activities. The behavior of the NUG and other resistance organizations has indicated that they consider other issues, such as environmental ones, as less important than overthrowing the junta, with the idea that these concerns can be taken seriously only after the collapse of the military. For instance, the Three Brotherhood Alliance, on their October 27 declaration, vowed to abolish the military dictatorship and eliminate the online scam industry plaguing the Sino-Burmese border, but no mention was made of environment-related matters. The military’s disregard for anything that stands in the way of their goal of annihilating the rebellion is obvious in the damage inflicted on the Mrauk-U historical museum, which lies inside a designated heritage site.
A handful of organizations still operational in Myanmar are pushing for and raising awareness of environmentally friendly actions, such as saving electricity and limiting the usage of plastic. However, these campaigns are like playing a harp to a buffalo—to borrow a popular Burmese proverb—meaning that they are not entirely useful and have little to no effect on the whole of Burmese society. Certainly, environmentally friendly choices, such as using recyclable packaging as opposed to plastic bags, are welcome, but these are often expensive and hard to obtain. For instance, in June 2024, a piece of the smallest biodegradable food container cost 755 MMK and the price could be higher now with the instability of Myanmar currency. On the other hand, a plastic food container with a capacity of 650ml only cost 270 MMK in December 2024. Inflation, the rising price of US dollar and the current economic crisis mean that biodegradable materials are further beyond the reach of ordinary retailers and vendors than ever before.
Current fighting between the military and the rebel groups has also cut off trade routes to some regions and this also affects the transport of environmentally friendly packaging materials. Even though some shopkeepers do use environmentally friendly packaging materials, most consumers would choose shops that use plastic and that can offer lower prices. In a hot and humid country like Myanmar with severe power cuts, most people would prefer to live with air-conditioners or at least electric fans, even reacting with anger to those who lecture them to save electricity.
For environmental campaigns to be effective in Myanmar, the country’s political arrangement needs significant transformation first. An unstable and conflict-ridden place is a resource extractor’s gold mine. The proliferation of violence after the 2021 coup means that Myanmar’s valuable natural resources, such as teak and rare earth materials, can be irresponsibly extracted by foreign firms in cooperation with junta officials. For a government to have firm control over natural resource extraction and be able to monitor the behavior of those who want to extract natural resources, it is important that the country is stable and that the government is democratically elected with a strong sense of accountability.
A government struggling for its survival cannot prioritize or allocate resources to environmental projects. Thant Myint U describes how in the early 1990s, SLORC, having recently survived the chaos of the 8888 uprising, gave generous concessions to ethnic armed groups for resource extraction. Since transparency and accountability were not the SLORC’s priorities, the exact figures for either the resources extracted or the people who benefited from the extraction are unclear. This further highlights the need for a government with a strong sense of accountability and transparency. I strongly believe that the democratic process is essential to achieving this goal. Only the government with these characteristics can save Myanmar from environmental disasters by looking for environmentally friendly energy sources as national policies.
Additionally, space for political action must be reopened. Educated youth and non-profit organizations such as YHT and Doh Eain initiated some of the most important changes under previous governments. Open political space is also essential because it is a platform for people to openly voice their disagreement with the government’s policies without fear of reprisal. An accountable government is not possible unless active citizens constantly check the government’s power. For this to happen, a dramatic change in the current political arrangement and people’s view on government must occur first. Until then, an environmentally sustainable Myanmar will remain a pipe dream.
Htet Hlaing Win is an independent researcher based in Thailand. He comments on the effects of traditional values, myths and accepted norms on politics and society in Myanmar, and how the military coup of 2021 and the conflict arising out of it have shaped Myanmar’s political trajectory.
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