As we walked into the Kutupalong Refugee Camp in Cox’s Bazar, the first light of dawn began to paint the sky. The calls to prayer echoed from various mosques within the camp, weaving a tapestry of devotion that stirred the men awake for their morning rites. Meanwhile, women were already bustling, kindling fires, and preparing meals for their families. A gentle morning breeze, carrying a sense of calm and renewal, swept gracefully across the camp as if whispering a promise of hope amidst the persistent agony of a community of Rohingya Muslims.

In 2017, over a million Rohingya refugees escaped a savage genocidal campaign in Myanmar. Among them, two-thirds were women and children who bore the brunt of this ethnic cleansing. Unfortunately, their plight has seen little improvement since finding refuge in Bangladesh. In the camps of Cox’s Bazar, gender-based violence, child marriage, sexual harassment, and barriers to education remain pervasive issues. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reports that Rohingya girls as young as 11 are being forced into marriage as their families struggle to feed them. With international attention diverted to other crises, funding has sharply declined from $12 to $8 per month, exacerbating the already dire conditions and diminishing prospects for Rohingya women and girls.

While declining funding contributes to issues of early marriage, the root cause predominantly lies in religious beliefs. Talking to a father of five daughters, Habibullah said, “There is no benefit in keeping girls; when Allah (God) orders, any time is the best time for marriage.” However, in actuality, Islam depicts a different perspective. Md. Manjur Hossain Patoari, a professor at the International Islamic University, argued, “Islam does not specify any age of marriage and allows women to get married as long as she is mature enough to handle responsibilities and is able to take on motherhood and child-rearing responsibilities. Also, it declares any coercion against their will is unlawful.”

In addition, polygamy has been a longstanding tradition in the Rohingya community. This cultural practice led to population growth in the state, causing concern among Buddhist nationalists in Myanmar. Thus, in 1990, the military junta imposed special orders in the Muslim-majority Rakhine state, requiring identity checks and official permission from Burma’s border security force, NaSaKa, and military authorities before Rohingya marriages could proceed. Despite its political motives, this law managed to regulate this fundamental culture for more than three decades. However, since taking shelter in Bangladesh, the culture of polygamy has resurfaced, exacerbating the existential plight of Rohingya women. Many Rohingya men choose polygamy, reflecting the religious belief that Islam permits up to four marriages. However, Islamic law stipulates that a man may only marry multiple women if he can treat them all justly; otherwise, monogamy is strongly advised. But how can the Rohingya community grasp this truth when local Islamic clerics consistently misinterpret the laws?

In Rohingya camps, mythical Fatwas (religious laws) are blatantly preached to restrict women from economic, political, and social freedoms, while issues like domestic violence and sexual harassment are largely ignored. “In general, the Rohingya are treated as subhuman. But in particular, the condition of women is more dire. Religious leaders and militant groups use religious fundamentalism as an effective weapon to control women”, said Nasir Uddin, a Bangladeshi Rohingya refugee expert and visiting research fellow at the Refugee Research Centre at the University of Oxford. Therefore, a sense of masculinity spreads as terror, shaping social norms that deprive women of equal treatment and freedom of choice in the community.

Once a woman is married in Rohingya society, she is advised to remain silent about any injustice, especially as it relates to gender-based violence. They not only struggle to speak out against domestic abuse but also encounter formidable obstacles when seeking divorce from abusive husbands. Interviewing Sahana*, a 21-year-old woman and a mother of four children, said, “In camp, we are told that no matter what your husband does to you, you cannot file for divorce. If you do, you are defying Islamic laws.” But the holy Quran demonstrates that a woman has the right to initiate divorce on her will.

Even in matters of family planning, women have little autonomy. Pervasive toxic masculinity dictates their lives, leading to situations where young women unwillingly bear four or five children, which is unimaginable and detrimental to their health. Despite the severe health risks, some Rohingya men hold the belief that if Allah (God) provides a mouth, He (Allah) will provide food, disregarding the life-threatening consequences for their wives during childbirth. When women are in labour, they are not allowed to seek superior medical care outside their homes due to religious superstitions propagated within their community. Though limited medical care is administered by dai ma (traditional birth attendant), the medical procedures lack a proper scientific approach and can cause detrimental health situations for women.

Similarly, these groundless religious beliefs have long regulated menstruation-related issues and restricted women’s mobility and freedom. This includes preventing women from leaving the home or praying, and even sitting beside male family members. Ms. Farhana Sultana, a Bangladeshi anthropologist and menstrual hygiene management (MHM) expert, states, “As a frontline doctor, I must emphasize that the number of menstrual and pregnancy-related issues are alarming in camps. Families, influenced by religious superstitions, often prevent women from seeking proper medical treatment. Consequently, many women cannot maintain proper hygiene during their cycle which eventually leads to both psychological and intergenerational trauma among women and girls.”

While there are a few trauma counselling centers in the camps for mental health treatment, the situation remains bleak and largely unaddressed. Evidence shows that the militant group, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), has a record of destroying counselling centers and threatening the women who operate them. This fundamentalist militant group also restricts Rohingya women from teaching and working in various organizations within the camps. According to a Human Rights Watch investigation, ARSA has forced at least 150 women to abandon their teaching jobs, invoking a spurious religious superstition that forbids women from working outside the home.

It is shocking but undeniable, but worse still is how religious fundamentalism has infiltrated the judicial system. Despite events of gender-based violence like sexual harassment and rape being distressingly common in the camps, Rohingya community leaders and imams (prayer leaders) address these issues through fundamentalist frameworks. When a woman is raped in the camp, she not only faces injustice but also finds herself unable to pursue redress. Perpetrators often evade justice through their ties to religious groups. Nasifa Akter*, a rape victim, recounted her experience: “After the incident, my family sought justice from the camp leaders. They resolved it with minimal compensation and pressured me to get married to the perpetrator against my will. They even cautioned my father about the societal repercussions of marrying a woman who had been raped.”

To address such traumatic situations against women, international organizations like the UNHCR and the UN Refugee Agency have set up service points with over 1000 community volunteers across 17 camps in Cox’s Bazar. The Bangladesh government established Camp-in-Charge (CIC) staffs who will collaborate with international NGOs to ensure harmony and justice for the overall development of the camps. However, these efforts face serious obstacles because of the lack of reporting and a fear of reprisal. With women having limited access to outside activities, reporting to authorities becomes complex. Additionally, the costs to pursue any legal action are prohibitive for Rohingya women and make it impossible to seek redress.

A culture of intimidation pervades the camp and silences women and girls who are victims. Even if they speak out, they and their families risk harm and retaliation. Thus, legislative authorities such as the CIC and the Bangladesh Military have few avenues for ensuring the betterment of the situation inside the camps. Another reason is that roughly 880,000 refugees live in just 13 square kilometers, making it difficult to monitor every act of violence. Effective resolutions remain a distant hope, leaving countless women to endure their misfortunes in silence.

On our last day in Cox’s Bazar, as we were returning from camp, the sun was ready to set, and the darkness began to envelop the entire camp. We saw a few women and girls hurrying home, reminding us of Sahana and Nasifa, etched with the same lines of suffering. Throughout history, women have suffered the harshest repercussions of conflicts, a truth painfully evident among Rohingya women. The trauma of gang-rape, torture, and killings by the Myanmar military is still fresh in their minds. If social dimensions using religious fundamentalism are used as a means of controlling them, where will they find a safe place to bury their faces? 

*Authors’ note: To safeguard the identities of the girls interviewed, all names have been changed.